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Architecture d'intérieur : Cours pratique et théorique by Tomris Tangaz

By Tomris Tangaz

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When sitting in my office with the doors and windows closed, I am fully isolated from the public acoustic arena, whereas when I move to the backyard, I am fully immersed in the activities of my neighbors, the local squirrels, and the neighbor’s cat. Some companies place workers in a single large acoustic arena, with only managers having private acoustic arenas. Similarly, later discussions on musical spaces illustrate a cultural progression from the shared acoustic arenas of public performances in churches and concert halls to the private arenas of sound reproduction in homes and automobiles.

They are private because sound absorption suppresses reflections that would fuse with the direct sound to make it louder and propagate farther. In such spaces, conversation is possible only when the speaker is facing the listener. Sound-absorbing surfaces allow the occupants to dynamically partition a space into separate arenas, whereas sound-isolation barriers prepartition a space without the active involvement of the occupants. Somewhat paradoxically, a high level of background noise also partitions a space into many small acoustic arenas, creating a matrix of tiny virtual cubicles.

Acoustic arenas are commercial as well as political. In exploring the history of background music over the last half century, Hildegard Westerkamp (1988) observes the unchallenged right of commercial organizations to exercise control over individuals in their acoustic community. For them, an acoustic arena is private property to be leased by the highest bidder. Marketing literature from companies that sell music services to commercial enterprises is explicitly blunt. With training in behavioral psychology and human engineering, the founder of Muzak claims that you will ‘‘see the difference in customers,’’ and injected music will ‘‘teach your cash register to sing with the foreground music from AEI’’ (Westerkamp, 1988).

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